Friday, May 31, 2013

The Intelligibility of Dissensus: Encountering Whiteness, Rightness, and the Politics of Truth in Cultural Studies



 
This month, Vice Magazine’s online interface uploaded ashort video documentary entitled “White Student Union.” This video documents the hegemonic tensions that permeate Townson University’s student body after senior student Matthew Heimbach initiated the organization of a white supremacy group (The White Student Union) in 2012. This group dedicates itself to an ideology known as “Identitarianism”(0.2:15) for the purpose of “demanding equality for white people on campus” (00:55). The different perspective and beliefs expressed by each featured speaker suggests that truth, power, and justice are never simply given, and that the lived experience of individual speakers constitutes the grounds for expressing claims to the right, true, or just aimed at appealing to a "common sense," over the anticipation of ascending towards a valid consensus.
As students of Cultural Studies and Communication, we see Vice’s documentary as framing a site of hegemonic flux: the notion that truth, power, and conflict are continuous processes implicating what it means to make sense of the world. When truth, political rightness, or the sovereignty of one group is seen as self-evident and naturalized, then alternative ways of understanding the world are “rendered non-sensical or unthinkable” (Barker, 406). Our analysis focused on Heimbach’s speech acts through the lens of Habermas’ outlining of a “consensus theory of truth,” whereby “I can attribute a predicate to an object if and only if everyone else who could enter into discourse with me would also attribute the same predicate to the same object” (Habermas, 89). The WSU documentary serves to set up a political context for this theory of truth: for if truth is a virtue, and if it depends on the possibility of discursive consensus, then one method for achieving consensus would be to segregate, or render unintelligible, any group or person that would not contribute to the aim of consensus.
For Habermas, “truth” is one of four claims to validity that are fundamental to “smooth” communication. These validity claims include: “the intelligibility of the utterance, the truth of its propositional component, the normative rightness of its performative component, and the sincerity of the intention expressed by the speakers” (Habermas, 90). If we stay with the validity claim dealing explicitly with “truth,” we can note two conditions that establish the “truth” that we claim a proposition to have: “First, it must be grounded in experience […] Second, the statement must be discursively redeemable […] it must command the assent of all potential participants in a discourse” (Habermas, 89). Here, according to Habermas, are the conditions of truth as such. Our class noted that according to these principles of validity, the WSU is inherently contradictory: for the “truth” of its missions is rooted in an ancestral ideology, not existential grounds, and the existence of this ideology forecloses the possibility for discursive redemption in an intellectual environment that supports cultural difference and diversity through dominant hegemonic structures of normative rightness.
If the WSU is inherently contradictory, that is, if its ideology contradicts its validity claims, how does it continue to operate at a level of intelligibility that would attract members and support? Stanley Deetz might suggest that the existence of the WSU rests on the prevalence of “systematic distortion” in human communication. While distortion in human communication may in fact be more of a rule than an exception, we can identify its more pathological tendencies operating in the rhetoric of the WSU. These pathologies are grounded in the development of “internal logics and rules,” that form systems of communication that are predicated by "closure and fixed interpretive processes," and which "properly have no outside, no natural checks and balances, and few moments of escape to see the system as it works” (Deetz, 460). The absence of an “outside” is evidenced in the rhetoric of the WSU in a number of ways, notably through it's “naturalization” of its organizing principles – the commonality of the "race card" (13:55) and the assumed unified identity of “white European peoples” (18:09) – and in its “bounded rationality” – its appropriation of a “higher discourse,” such as Christian scripture, to create an insular, self-referential, hegemonic intelligibility.
To conclude, our analysis of the WSU documentary has led to an understanding of the WSU as a group that operates according to a pathologically distorted system of communication. In this system of self-referentiality, the validity of truth claims are not open to adjustment or negotiation, but are contingent on the exclusion and neutralization of opposing viewpoints. By rendering truth a “common sense” that is “given,” rather than as a consensus that may be ascended towards, the WSU can be seen as demonstrating what Ranciere calls a dissenssus – “a division put in the ‘common sense’: a dispute about what is given, about the frame within which we see something given” (Ranciere, 304). In staging a dissensus, the WSU demonstrates that cultural conflicts and hegemonic tensions need not be issues of “truth,” but are practices in the crafting of “common sense.”

Thursday, May 30, 2013

Google Digital Afterlife Service



           In April, 2013, Google released a new tool called Inactive Account Manager to help people decide what happen to their digital assets on the Internet after they die. The following video provides more information about this new service.

       



           We consider the digital afterlife  service as a production of cyber capitalism (Barker, p. 374). Barker points out:
          “The commodification of cyberspace as the leading edge of the global information economy reinforces the reduction of human values to matters of price. There is very little that is not bought and sold on the Internet, including human life (afterlife) " (p. 388).

           It is possible that in the future Google will make new policies to make profit from this kind of service. What’s more, because Google possesses the technologies and the resources in the database, it has the final say in what happens to people’s digital information. This new service creates the illusion that people are using the Internet freely and in total control of their digital data but actually they are “being channelled into the limited options chosen by powerful commercial interests.”(Barker, p. 374)

            The digital afterlife service also reflects the striated characteristic of the Internet. Cultural spaces are defined in terms of smooth or striated (Deleuze & Guattari, 1987). The Internet used to be considered as a smooth and open social space, which was not subject to control by any centralized power (Barker, 2012) .

          The introduction of this service and the legal issues related to that shows that the Internet is a striated space bounded by rules made by big players such as Google , as well as legal regulations.


           The  service  also demonstrates the postmodern characteristic of the Internet in terms of fragmentation of identities, or what Donna Haraway calls “fractured identities”. The identities we perform on the Internet can be considered as cyborg identities: a new embodiment of social and personal identities made possible by technology. In this sense, using this digital afterlife service can be considered as postmodern and posthumanist performance of fractured identities and a quest for digital immortality. 

            For a body made of organisms, death is this simple process of dispersing back into the earth. But this notion seems to be troubled when we think about our cyborg online identities. The Google Inactive Account service represents the increasing concerns: do we really have control over how we will be remembered on the Internet? Do we have the right to be forgotten?

             Perhaps Donna Haraway’s  comments on cyborgs can give us some implications on how to understand our digital legacies : “The cyborg is resolutely committed to partiality, irony , intimacy and perversity. The cyborg would not recognize the Garden of Eden, it is not made of mud and cannot dream of returning to dust” ( A Cyborg Manifesto).

 Reference:

Barker,C. (2012) Cultural  studies: Theory and practice.London : Sage.

Deleuze,G & Guattari, F.(1987)  A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. Trans. Brian Massumi. Minneapolis: U niversity Minnesota Press

Haraway, D. (1991) A Cyborg Manifesto: Science, Technology, and Socialist-Feminism in the Late Twentieth Century,  in Simians, Cyborgs and Women: The Reinvention of Nature (New York; Routledge, 1991), pp.149-181.



PUNK: Chaos to Couture

PUNK: Chaos to Couture

The exhibition is made possible by Moda Operandi  (name of the boutique which sells the couture line) 



            The Metropolitan Museum of Art promotes this exhibit’s attempt to “examine punk’s impact on high fashion from the movement’s birth in the 1970s through its continuing influence today” (MET Press Release, 2013).  As a modus operandi for developing a habitus for the chic punk via its haute couture style, this exhibit deconstructs and commodifies this subculture.

            This ‘text’ was criticized for its reduction and essentialism of punk culture and misrepresentation of the punk cultural codes, which grew out of a “quest for authenticity and independence from the culture industry, thus altogether renouncing the prevailing culture of media, image, and hypercommercialism” (Moore, 307).

             It was also interesting to examine which symbols and signs were appropriated in this context. For example, where are the mohawks, chains, and men wearing makeup that is often seen in the media artifacts of the punk movement? Moore (2004) suggests that “postmodernity appropriates signs, symbols, and style for the purposes of shock and semiotic disruption” (307).  However, by re-appropriating the signs, symbols and style perceived as essential to the punk movement, the rebellious nature of this ‘youth subculture’ is repositioned from its original dissonant stance stemming from experiences in a lack of power to that of the embodiment of a performance in the power of the elite. 

            And what should we make of the gendered thematic translation of what was a male initiated movement to a female audience directed expression of “creativity”.  Barker (2012) describes the conditions under which the creative process are claimed under a  “postmodern consumer capitalism where the binary divisions of inside-outside and authentic-manufactured collapse” (450). The exclusion of particular signs and symbols imply the pruning of the culture to suit a more simplified and tamer version of the ‘punk’ style.  Which brings into question how creatively representative is the exhibit of punk? Is it essentialising or simulating punk for the sheer commodification of what it inspires in a capitalist consumption of style and symbolism?  Ultimately, our consensus was, this has less to do with punk as a cultural study and more to do with high fashion and commercialism.




Monday, May 27, 2013

Poaching the Ponies



What happens when someone engages with and appropriates, or poaches, a cultural product for one’s own? Is this an act of resistance, a tactical maneuver against the overall ideology of the source material? Or is it a reproduction of that ideology? These are some of the questions that arise when examining the proliferation of fan/viewer-produced My Little Pony material online. As examples of this, we looked at the three video below.

The first video could be viewed as a reproduction of the ideology of My Little Pony. Indeed, in many ways, it is literally a reproduction, but the producer has made it his/her own through recreating the animation in his/her own style. To unfamiliar viewers, it appears to be indiscernible whether or not this is the original, containing what one would expect to find in children's programming. It could be that the producer is sharing an enjoyment in these aspects and promoting the intended message of the both the song and the show.

The second video is a remix with a scene from the original show reworked with a rap song containing a multitude of swear words, something not seen on a children's show. In contrast to the first video, this one is more subversive, creating a cognitive dissonance for those who would expect to see sweet ponies and, instead, get a string of obscenities. Of the three videos, this one is the most tactical, using the space created by the dominant ideology to create cracks in it.

The third video is far more ambiguous. It appears to be self reflexive, an exploration of what it means to be a My Little Pony fan. In this breakdown, it is both tactical and strategic. It makes visible the machinations of both the show and fan movement. It draws attention to the tension between genders. And it lauds the creative work done by poachers of the show. It also celebrates the original show.

There are as many different functions of these productions as there are readers to create their own meanings, some of which move into the cracks trying to break apart the dominant ideology, some of which find comfort and enjoyment in that dominance. Barker (2012) writes, “audiences are always active, but whether this results in a challenge to ideologies has to be empirically determined case by case and not taken for granted” (p. 345).





References:

Barker, C. (2012) Cultural Studies: Theory and Practice. London: Sage Publishing.